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October 29, Archived from the original on March 4, Retrieved January 16, Archived from the original on October 9, June 26, Archived from the original on October 4, May 21, December 11, Deseret News. March 7, Asiance Magazine. Archived from the original on October 28, Mixed Race Studies.

Archived from the original on January 27, June 2, Archived from the original on October 7, May 13, February 15, May 25, Archived from the original on September 29, Arguing against class collaboration, both Lenin and Trotsky explained that only the working class, in alliance with the peasant masses, could carry out the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic revolution.

But how was it possible for the workers to come to power in a backward, semi-feudal country like tsarist Russia? Trotsky answered this argument in the following manner in It is possible for the workers to come to power in an economically backward country sooner than in an advanced country… In our view, the Russian revolution will create conditions in which power can pass into the hands of the workers… and in the event of the victory of the revolution it must do so… before the politicians of bourgeois liberalism get the chance to display to the full their talents for governing.

Did this mean, as the Stalinists later claimed, that Trotsky denied the bourgeois nature of the revolution? Trotsky himself explains:. In the revolution at the beginning of the twentieth century, the direct objective tasks of which are also bourgeois , there emerges as a near prospect the inevitable, or at least the probable, political domination of the proletariat.

Paper bullets : a fictional autobiography

But we can even now ask ourselves: is it inevitable that the proletarian dictatorship should be shattered against the barriers of the bourgeois revolution? Or is it possible in the given world-historical conditions, that it may discover before it the prospect of breaking through these barriers? Here we are confronted by questions of tactics: should we consciously work towards a working-class government in proportion as the development of the revolution brings this stage nearer, or must we at that moment regard political power as a misfortune which the bourgeois revolution is ready to thrust upon the workers, and which it would be better to avoid?

In Trotsky alone was prepared to defend the idea that it was possible that the socialist revolution would triumph in Russia before it did in Western Europe. Lenin still had an unclear position. However, in only Trotsky was prepared to pose the need for the socialist revolution in Russia in such a clear and bold manner.

Twelve years later history was to prove him right. In the period of revolutionary upswing, the two wings of the movement had united once again. But unity had been more formal than real. And again Trotsky found himself in a political position very similar to that of the Bolsheviks. However, he was by no means alone in this. Trotsky had consistently advocated reunification in his journal Nachalo , and had attempted to remain apart from the factional struggle, but was arrested and imprisoned for his role in the Soviet before the Fourth Unity Congress took place in Stockholm.

The progress of the revolution had given a tremendous impulse to the movement for the reunification of the forces of Russian Marxism. Bolshevik and Menshevik workers fought shoulder to shoulder under the same slogans; rival Party committees merged spontaneously. The revolution pushed the workers of both factions together.

Throughout the latter half of there had been a continuous and spontaneous process of unity from below. Without waiting for a lead from the top, Bolshevik and Menshevik Party organisations simply merged. Finally, at the suggestion of the Bolshevik Central Committee, including Lenin, moves were set afoot to bring about reunification. By December the two leaderships had effectively re-united. There was now one united Central Committee.

A conflict was inevitable between the consistent revolutionaries and those who were already abandoning the masses and accommodating themselves to the reaction. The defeat of the Moscow insurrection in December marked the beginning of the end of the Revolution.

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In point of fact, the liberals had already passed over to reaction in October, after the Tsar had conceded a new constitution. But now they emerged in their true colours. It was, of course, not the first time in history that we have seen such a phenomenon. Exactly the same thing occurred in the revolution, as Marx and Engels explained. In effect, the Mensheviks stood for capitulation to the Liberal bourgeoisie, which in practice had gone over to constitutional monarchism and surrendered to the autocracy.

The right wing of our party does not believe in the complete victory of the present, i. The role of the proletariat as the vanguard in the struggle for the complete and decisive victory of the bourgeois revolution is not clear to the right Social Democrats.

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Like Trotsky, Lenin was in favour of organisational unity, but did not for a moment abandon the ideological struggle, maintaining a firm position on all basic questions of tactics and perspectives. Reformism or revolution, class collaboration or an independent proletarian policy. These were the basic questions which separated Bolshevism from Menshevism.

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The basic differences immediately emerged over the attitude to the Duma and to the bourgeois parties. In the course of the debate on the attitude to the bourgeois parties, Lenin commented:. Trotsky expressed, in print [his agreement with the view] about the economic community of interests between the proletariat and the peasantry in the present revolution in Russia. Trotsky acknowledged the permissibility and usefulness of a Left bloc against the liberal bourgeoisie. These facts are sufficient for me to acknowledge that Trotsky has come closer to our views… [thus] we have here solidarity on fundamental points in the question of the attitude towards bourgeois parties.

Proceeding from a different standpoint, Trotsky was fighting for the same thing as Lenin. His paper Pravda based in Vienna enjoyed a great deal of popularity. A number of Bolshevik leaders favoured using Pravda for the purpose of bringing about a fusion of Bolsheviks and Pro-Party Mensheviks. This position was also supported by others like Tomsky. The proposal was, in effect, passed against the opposition of Lenin, who counter-proposed the setting up of a popular Bolshevik paper and monthly theoretical journal. In the end, a compromise was reached whereby Proletary would still come out, but not more than once a month.

This incident shows the strength of the conciliationist tendencies in the ranks of the Bolsheviks, and also tells us quite a lot about the attitude of the Bolsheviks towards Trotsky in this period. Trotsky used his paper for this purpose and for a time appeared to be on the point of succeeding.

Many Bolshevik leaders were in agreement with him on this question. On the CC, the Bolsheviks N. Rozhkov and V. Nogin were conciliators, as also were the members of the editorial board of Sotsial Demokrat , Kamenev and Zinoviev. See letter to Zinoviev 11 24 August In these and other writings of this period, Lenin refers to Trotsky in very harsh terms. Trotsky had irritated Lenin by his refusal to join the Bolshevik tendency, although there were no real political differences separating them. He clung to the opinion that, sooner or later, a new revolutionary wave would push the better elements in both tendencies to join forces.

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However, we should not forget that things were not so clear at the time. Lenin himself, on more than one occasion, tried to reach a rapprochement with certain layers within the Mensheviks. But experience was to prove this impossible. Sooner or later a total break was inevitable. Lenin opposed this. He opposed the participation in a Plenum of elements who, de facto, had placed themselves outside the party. The left-wing Mensheviks around Martov refused to break with the right wing and the attempt at unity soon broke down as a result of irreconcilable differences.

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Trotsky later honestly admitted his mistake on this question. In , a new period of struggles had opened up that continued until the outbreak of the First World War. The newly awakened working class rapidly gravitated to the left wing. Under these circumstances, the link with the Mensheviks was a hindrance to the development of the Party.

Paper Bullets: A Fictional Autobiography - Kip Fulbeck

Very soon the Bolsheviks represented the decisive majority of the working class: in the period , four-fifths of the organised workers of St. Petersburg supported the Bolsheviks. A central role was played by the launching of a Bolshevik daily paper, which took the name of Pravda , a move which further embittered relations with Trotsky.

But all his protests were in vain. As far as the majority of active workers were concerned, the Mensheviks had been discredited by their policy of collaboration with the bourgeoisie. Trotsky once again came out against the split, attempting, without success, to work for unity. It was this mistake that separated him from Lenin.

However, it was an honest mistake, the mistake of a genuine revolutionary with the interests of the movement at heart. Many years later, Trotsky frankly dealt with his mistake. In , Trotsky wrote to the Bureau of Party History:. As I have many times stated, in my disagreements with Bolshevism upon a series of fundamental questions, the error was on my side. In order to outline, approximately in a few words, the nature and extent of those former disagreements of mine with Bolshevism, I will say this: During the time when I stood outside the Bolshevik party, during that period when my differences with Bolshevism reached their highest point, the distance separating me from the views of Lenin was never as great as the distance which separates the present position of Stalin-Bukharin from the very foundations of Marxism and Leninism.

Thus, straightforwardly, honestly, Trotsky reveals, and explains his own mistakes and points out that on the question of conciliationism, Lenin had been right all along. However, far bigger developments were soon to render the old differences between Lenin and Trotsky irrelevant. The split in Russia was only an anticipation of another bigger split which was to take place two years later on an international level. And on this decisive question, Lenin and Trotsky were once again on the same side. It came like a thunderbolt, profoundly shocking and disorienting the ranks of the International. The position of the leaders of the Second International towards the First World War signified the de facto collapse of the International.

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